By Roy C. Smith
A year ago it was Greece that everyone thought might leave,
or be tossed out of the European Union.
Grexit never happened, but today Brexit did through a 52-48 percent
referendum vote (with an amazing 72% turnout) in which only Scotland and the
London region supported remaining in the EU.
Pollsters said the sentiment had changed in recent weeks to
favor remaining in the EU, and yesterday markets soared as investors treated
themselves to an early victory celebration. But the polls were badly wrong.
Markets collapsed on the news this morning.
Prime Minister David Cameron will resign sometime soon but no
one knows who the next Conservative Party leader will be, as Cameron’s inner
circle all supported remaining and are probably not eligible. Boris Johnson, the maverick former
Mayor of London, who broke with the Conservatives to support leaving, said the
referendum provided Britain with a “glorious opportunity” to take control of
its economy and its borders.
Donald Trump, visiting one of his golf courses in the UK at
the time, agreed with Johnson said Britain had done the right thing.
Former Labour Party Prime Minister Tony Blair, who strongly
supported remaining, said he though people believed the referendum offered an
opportunity for a “protest vote,” when in fact it was instead a very important
“decision vote.” Referendums can
be dangerous when voters get things confused.
Nicola Sturgeon, head of the Scottish Nationalist Party that
lost a referendum vote in 2014 on leaving the UK, said a new Scottish vote
would now be necessary. The Scot
Nats are the third largest political party in the UK.
Right wing politicians in several European countries claimed
that referendum votes in their countries would likely follow the British
example, causing elected leaders to worry about further defection among the
(now) 27 remaining EU members.
But out is out. Britain will now have to begin a two-year
negotiation with the EU, under the never tested Article 50 for an orderly
withdrawal. They will argue over future tariffs and market access. The EU
doesn’t want to make it too easy, for fear others will follow the UK out the
door, but they don’t want to make it too hard either because they still want
the British economy linked to theirs.
But to do this the UK has to field a team of true-believing negotiators,
and that may require another general election.
The economic argument for Brexit was that cut free of its
obligations to the EU (social and economic policies more left than the UK would
prefer), the UK could make its own laws and shape its own destiny and be better
off. But, leaving means that UK’s
exports to the EU (44% of total exports) would be subject to tariffs and
therefore more costly, and new investment in the country (especially by foreign
companies) would likely fall off with diminished access to European
markets. A weaker pound (it fell 7.3%
on the news) would balance some of this stuff, but whether Britain actually ends
up better off will depend on how effectively it can change its own laws to
boost its economy as the leavers expect it to do.
This will not be easy. Low growth and fears about job losses
have driven economic policy in the UK, the EU and the US (the UK growth rate
has averaged 2%, and unemployment 6.5% since 2010, but unemployment is now 5%).
Many economists forecast a 3-4% recession as a result of the vote.
Or, as David Brady, a Stanford political scientist has said “no
party, country or leader has discovered the path to achieve economic growth
while mitigating the ills that go with it. “ It is a difficult time for
tough-love market economics that threaten to make things worse in order for
them to get better over the longer term.
There is also a lot of uncertainty over how the vote will
affect the City of London, the longstanding financial center of the EU. There
may be some job shifts to other European cities, but the talent and
infrastructure of the London markets is likely to survive, and perhaps be made
more competitive by its ability to escape the many EU rules it dislikes.
The politics of the thing, however, ultimately may be the more
important issue for Britain. Leaving essentially is a repudiation of its old neighborhood,
which clumsily or not has forged a historically unprecedented economic
confederation of nations to provide economic prosperity and political security
for a region of the world that had little of it for the first 50 years of the
20th Century. Confederations are at best unwieldy and fragile
alliances, but the EU, now with a pre-Brexit population of 507 million is the
world’s largest economic marketplace (GDP of $18.5 trillion). The UK is
Europe’s second largest economy (GDP of $2.9 trillion) and the second largest
country by population (64 million).
For the EU to survive it has to strengthen itself as it
grows and this requires the skillful attention of national political leaders
from the largest countries. The UK has been an important dissenter (along with
a few other countries that looked to the UK for leadership on certain issues)
that has brought a market-oriented viewpoint to a group that definitely needed,
but resisted it.
Now this voice will be absent, Britain’s influential role in
Europe will be lost, and Great Britain may slip back to being Little
England.
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