By Roy C. Smith
Mr. Trump’s executive
order on Dodd Frank and financial regulation announced on Feb. 3 doesn’t seem
like much of a shake up – all it did really was ask for a study - but it may turn out to be the easiest way to
address his tough anti-bank campaign promises, yet still ease the way for the
financial industry to finance growth.
As a candidate Mr. Trump pledged to “dismantle” Dodd Frank
and “break up the banks. “ The Republican Party platform on which he was
elected also called for reinstituting Glass Steagall, the 1933 law that
separated banking from securities activities until it was repealed in 1999. Since the election, attention also has been
drawn to Congressman Jeb Hensarling’s proposed Financial CHOICE Act that would
enable large banks to opt out of Dodd Frank under certain circumstances. And, during his confirmation hearings Treasury
Secretary nominee Steve Mnunchin said the government might adopt a
“ringfencing” plan similar to the one the UK approved to minimize systemic
risk.
It now looks like none of these are likely to happen, but
instead a new Trumpian solution will emerge that will fix the problems posed by
the both “reckless banks” and the “disastrous” legislation enacted by the Obama
Administration.
Critics of the 2010 Dodd Frank Wall Street Reform Act agree
that it is too big, cumbersome and costly and it has negatively impacted
economic growth by limiting corporate access to credit. Its supporters claim it
is a necessary effort to prevent future bailouts of banks and to reduce
systemic risk and misconduct in financial services.
The structure of the Dodd Frank law is to require each of nine
financial regulatory agencies (headed by presidential appointees) to adopt 390
new “rules” that implement the various provisions of the statue. Only about 80% of these new rules have been
adopted so far; it takes time to write them, wrestle with lobbyists and
industry opinions and finally get them in place. But the teeth of the law are
in these rules. Change the teeth and you change the law.
The Trump plan apparently was devised by Gary Cohn, ex
Goldman Sachs COO and now Chairman of the National Economic Council. No one
knows more about the costs and benefits of Dodd Frank than Cohn who has spent
six years supervising its implementation at Goldman Sachs and adapting to its
strategic constraints. No doubt Cohn has collaborated with Jay Clayton, a
respected securities lawyer at Sullivan & Cromwell, and newly designated
head of the SEC.
These men know that there are some good and useful parts to
Dodd Frank that strengthen the financial system. They also know that the
financial industry has spent in the area of $35 billion setting up systems to
comply with Dodd Frank, and they don’t want to see the whole regulatory
structure uprooted and replaced with something new that they would have to
adjust to all over again. They would rather see existing rules changed to
eliminated the unnecessary, ineffective and burdensome parts while preserving
the basic framework they have become used to.
The Trump executive order requires the Treasury Secretary
(who is chairman of the Dodd Frank created Financial Stability Oversight
Council) to report back within 120 days as to which of the existing myriad outstanding
financial regulations (not just those from Dodd Frank) support Mr. Trump’s new
“Core Principles” for financial regulation, and which do not. These Core Principles
include many of the regulatory objectives of Dodd Frank, but, unlike that law, they
also require that the regulatory system not impair economic growth or weaken
financial markets.
Some of the offending parts of existing regulations can be
fixed by having new appointees change the implementing rules. Other parts may require
a legislative amendment to Dodd Frank, which, if technical or only involve
obscure details, could be inserted into some other law likely to be passed with
the Republican majority. The basic idea, however, is to fix what you can in a
timely way, but avoid a big battle in Congress (that could take 60 votes in the
Senate that Republicans don’t have) to repeal the old law and to replace it
with something new.
Even so, a lot of work will be required in the next 120 days
to identify the offending, non-Core parts of all existing financial regulation,
and then a lot more work and time will be required to write up the rule changes
and get them implemented. The net result
is probably that the smaller banks will be given some well-deserved relief on
the applicability of the Dodd Frank to them, and the bigger ones will get
relief on rules affecting trading, derivatives, compensation and consumer
financial protection, and on some of the burdensome compliance and reporting
requirements.
But the banks will still be subject to the tough capital requirements
of Basel III, and to the qualitative stress tests applied by the Federal
Reserve. The Trump plan will not be a return to the status quo ante 2008, but
it should help the industry on the cost side and allow more lending to
companies seeking credit.
Indeed, it might just be about right.
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