Getting Serious About Private Investment in Infrastructure
Ingo Walter
Back on 9th November, after his victory in the
American Presidential election, Donald Trump declared, “We are going to fix our
inner cities and rebuild our highways, bridges, tunnels, airports, schools,
hospitals. We're going to rebuild our infrastructure, which will become, by the
way, second to none.”
His eye-catching, pledge for the nation to spend one
trillion dollars on infrastructure projects over ten years has raised an
important issue: How will all this be financed? Trump has proposed ideas such
as public-private partnerships and a “deficit-neutral system of infrastructure
tax credits” to encourage private investment in infrastructure. House
Democratic leader Nancy Pelosi has signaled her support for major
infrastructure investment, but she has also noted that, “on Capitol Hill, the
divide is always over how to pay for it.”
Observers of the global economy have often commented
that investment in infrastructure —from airports in the U.S. to power plants in
Nigeria — could help boost sluggish growth throughout the world and address
challenges in both advanced and emerging economies by raising productivity,
prospective returns on a variety of capital investments, and expectations about
the future. And there can be political dividends as well. Populism and extremism
thrive when people are generally testy, feeding global instability. But while
the estimated requirement for global infrastructure investment to sustain
“acceptable” growth is about $4 trillion annually (pretty much a guesstimate),
less than $3 trillion is actually taking place.
New ideas to transform this gap from a challenge into
an opportunity to create value for the global economy, and society more
generally, are the focus of a new study by key members of the faculty at NYU’s
Stern School of Business, just published.
The premise is that dissolving “clogs” in the global
financial plumbing will be required to turbocharge infrastructure
investment. The focus is to better
harness large pools of institutional capital such as pension funds and
insurance reserves (whose managers owe duty of care and loyalty to their
beneficiaries in creating investment portfolios) to sponsors of infrastructure
projects (who need to optimize their capital structures) through better global
financial allocation.
A key issue In the US is that the main source of
infrastructure finance (state and localities and special districts created by
them) are budget-constrained (in particular by public employee pension
obligations) and have limited borrowing capacity, while the Federal role has
historically been fairly muted. With the exception of the Eisenhower interstate
highway system in the 1950s there have been few big infrastructure ideas since
the end of World War II.
Trump wants to greatly expand the Federal role
predominantly as a catalyst, harnessing both private capital and market
discipline as to what gets done, when, how and where. The subtext is getting
significant infrastructure finance off the public balance sheet and avoiding
the waste of capital associated with politics overriding economics in
infrastructure development. The two ultimately need to strike a sustainable
balance, which the Trump plan wants to move in the direction of economics.
Where is that capital going to come from, and who is
going to bear the risk? Trump may be exaggerating the appetite of investors in
very long-term infrastructure debt and the inevitable political exposure (e.g.,
limits on fees that infrastructure projects can charge and difficulties in
avoiding “free-riders”) without some form of Federal guarantees.
Serious financial innovation can dissolve some of the
clogs in the financial plumbing and move infrastructure finance to a different
level, harvesting real gains for the public interest - alongside gains for debt
and equity investors. So far Trump's remain are “huge” but fuzzy. Still, if
the political and financial momentum is there, that’s half the battle.
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